Compared to the rest of India, the eastern States of West Bengal, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Orissa, the seven north-eastern States and Sikkim lag in almost all the measures of economic growth. Productivity in these States is low, infrastructure poor and employment opportunities meagre. Overall, the perception is that people of eastern India are lazy and unproductive
Many factors play a part in the development of a region — its location, weather conditions, political leadership, availability of raw materials, etc. Eastern India is blessed with an abundance of mineral wealth — 93 per cent of India’s iron ore, 84 per cent of its coal, 100 per cent of its kyanite, 70 per cent of its mica, 20 per cent of its limestone, 10 per cent of its manganese, 80 per cent of its tea and about 15 per cent of its crude oil.
If this be so, why then are the States of eastern India less productive than the rest of India?
Since India has a single time zone, States located to the west of the Indian Standard Time line of longitude (82.5°E) have more daylight hours compared to States located to its east.
To calculate the time difference it is useful to know that 15° of longitude is equivalent to one hour.
Too far ahead
Mumbai’s longitude is 78°82’E, Delhi’s is 76°E and Kolkata’s is 88° 22’E. Hence, Kolkata lags Delhi and Mumbai by about 45 minutes. For cities in northeast India, the time difference with Mumbai or Delhi is even greater. Gangtok’s longitude is 88°0’E and, at the other end, Kohima’s is 94°20’E.
The sun rises and sets in all these States in northeast India at least an hour earlier than the rest of the country.
The seven States in northeast India have many political, ideological and ethnic differences. However, the one thing they all agree on is that the clock there must be advanced by one hour during summer and more during the winter months of October to February
Plus points
Some advantages of advancing the clock would be:
1. Increased productivity: An early start would have more energetic people in the offices.
2. Reduced power consumption: Starting and closing an hour earlier would result in a saving an hour of electricity in offices.
In homes, shops and restaurants about two hours would be saved as people would wake up and go to bed earlier, thus using more of the available daylight hours. A conservative estimate shows that starting the day an hour earlier would result in a saving of about 550 MW of power in northeast India alone.
3. Curbing alcoholism: With five to six “available extra hours” after work and with little else to do most people fall prey to alcoholism.
Revisit decision
The Department of Science & Technology (DST) which examined the feasibility of setting up dual time for India in 2007 turned down a proposal to advance the clock in northeast India by an hour in as it felt it would cause acute administrative challenges.
It is time for the DST to revisit their 2007 decision. The DST should examine the possibility of introducing the new time zone not only for northeast India but for all of eastern India.
The international picture
Singapore is an example of a country that has kept their clock an hour ahead of the standard time longitude.
While Singapore’s longitude is 105°E they have kept their time on 120°E, keeping the country permanently one hour ahead.
This could be one of the reasons for the Singaporean’s greater productivity and prosperity of the island state.
China too follows the longitude of 120°E as their time zone, keeping almost the entire country to the west of their time meridian.
Bangladesh, which is to the west of the northeast States (Dhaka: longitude 90°25’E), keeps its time 30 minutes ahead of India.
In addition, Bangladesh advances its clocks by one hour during the winter months. Thus for five months of the year Bangladesh Standard Time is one-and-a-half hours ahead of India. Could it be this that is helping the country’s steady economic growth?
Conclusion:
Since Independence, the States in eastern, especially north-eastern, India have fallen behind the rest of the country and the bedrock of the backwardness is the poor productivity of the people. There are many practical steps to change this and a separate time zone is one.
Source: The HINDU
Tuesday, September 25, 2012
Relevance of Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) after the Cold War Era
Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) Summit that was held in Tehran recently was that almost all of its 120 members gathered there in the face of U.S., allied western nations attempts to pressure and isolate Iran to abandon parts of its nuclear programme.
It is in this context that the decision of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to resist U.S. pressure and attend the Summit himself has to be seen. Even though he made no mention of the Iran nuclear issue at the Summit, his very presence was seen as expressing the Indian government’s support for NAM more generally
on the international agenda, the Prime Minister spoke out forthrightly against “external intervention” in the Syrian crisis, which, he said, would “exacerbate the suffering of ordinary citizens.” He added that “NAM should urge all parties to recommit themselves to resolving the crisis peacefully through a Syrian-led inclusive political process.” This was directly in opposition to the U.S. stand and actions on the issue. But NAM could not come out with a clear stand because of many internal differences, especially among the Arab and Islamic nations, and the final declaration made no mention of the issue.
Is NAM still relevant in the post-Cold War world, in an era where the U.S. and its allies are politically, economically and strategically more dominant than ever?
NAM is routinely derided by the western media and policymakers as an irrelevant “relic of the Cold War.” U.S. policymakers have explicitly stated that they would like to see India out of NAM altogether and even abandon the concept of non-alignment in its foreign policy thinking. Alternatively, they would like India to join their alliance of democracies against non-democracies, which in their opinion is the defining agenda in the present global scenario. Another idea is “multi-alignment” — participation in diverse international groupings of nations like G 20, G 77, IBSA, RIC, Brics, Basic, among others, for promoting different interests.
The reasons are not far to seek. Even from its pre-origins in the Bandung Conference of former colonial nations in 1955, NAM has meant much more than not being aligned with the two Cold War blocs. It was also conceived as the voice of the former colonies and poor nations in a world overwhelmingly dominated by the rich western nations. The G 77 which takes up the cause of the developing countries in international fora on economic and development issues was complementary to NAM. Solidarity within NAM provides strength to its member nations. Hence, NAM has that flavour of anti-imperialism associated with its origin and history which the rich and powerful nations would like to see forgotten.
In such a context what should NAM’s role be in Indian foreign policy?
The Prime Minister in his address reaffirmed the continuing relevance of NAM. And he emphasised that NAM was important “to preserve our strategic space.” A recent policy perspective document developed by the a panel of “independent thinkers,” some closely linked to the Indian Government, titled Non-Alignment 2.0: A Foreign and Strategic Policy for India in the Twenty First Century, argues that the objective of non-alignment is to preserve and enhance the nation’s “strategic autonomy.”
Interestingly, the phrases “Non-Aligned Movement” and “G 77” do not find any place in it. Non-alignment has been redefined in exclusively Indian national terms to enhance its independence or sovereignty and provide room for manoeuvre amidst diverse pressures to promote its ambitions and interests.
What has been decisively abandoned is India’s solidarity with the developing countries and the aim of mobilising them on the basis of common interests and agenda. This perspective has become more influential in Indian policy circles especially after the collapse of the Soviet bloc and the initiation domestically of radical economic private sector oriented reforms at the start of the 1990s. However, the founding fathers of NAM saw the two objectives — national independence and the solidarity of developing countries — as profoundly interdependent for the former colonies which were embarking on the path of development in a deeply unequal world.
Can they be separated in an age when there is no communist bloc to provide a countervailing force to the almost complete dominance of the rich and powerful nations?
In recent decades, the Indian government seems to have more faith in the U.N. as a forum to protect its independence and interests. But after the collapse of the Soviet Union and its communist allies, that institution has almost completely been dominated by the powerful nations. The U.S., long hostile to many of its associated organisations, has been openly sceptical if not downright contemptuous of it, even though its West European allies are keener to work within its framework. Whether in the context of lack of solidarity among the developing nations, the U.N. will be able to provide a check on those powerful nations is doubtful.
Change in perspective
This change over the last quarter century in the Indian perspective on NAM has to be seen in the context of its revised foreign policy agenda being almost exclusively focused on transforming the nation into a great power. The way towards this objective, it is felt, is to start thinking big, join the rich man’s club and enter into friendly relations with the rich and powerful nations for economic, hi-tech and military benefits and a place at the high table where the great powers decide the fate of humankind. Hence, one of its chief priorities is to become a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council. Another, to be allowed hegemony in the South Asian region. To advance this agenda, friendship with the most technologically and economically advanced and militarily powerful nation, the United States, is seen as the most promising path.
But India wants to also maintain its “strategic autonomy,” “to preserve our strategic space.” Hence, the continuing ambivalence and shifting stands. India voted against Tehran earlier but has since resisted additional sanctions by the U.S.-led western nations. Also, it tried to resist attempts to restrict its oil purchases from Iran, before ultimately succumbing to U.S. pressure. It has also actively tried to increase its bilateral trade and economic ties and maintain more friendly political relations with Iran.
Even if building better relations with the rich and powerful nations has benefited India in recent decades, abandoning the solidarity with other developing nations within NAM may well end up adversely affecting the nation’s economic, political and strategic interests.
Source:The HINDU
It is in this context that the decision of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to resist U.S. pressure and attend the Summit himself has to be seen. Even though he made no mention of the Iran nuclear issue at the Summit, his very presence was seen as expressing the Indian government’s support for NAM more generally
on the international agenda, the Prime Minister spoke out forthrightly against “external intervention” in the Syrian crisis, which, he said, would “exacerbate the suffering of ordinary citizens.” He added that “NAM should urge all parties to recommit themselves to resolving the crisis peacefully through a Syrian-led inclusive political process.” This was directly in opposition to the U.S. stand and actions on the issue. But NAM could not come out with a clear stand because of many internal differences, especially among the Arab and Islamic nations, and the final declaration made no mention of the issue.
Is NAM still relevant in the post-Cold War world, in an era where the U.S. and its allies are politically, economically and strategically more dominant than ever?
NAM is routinely derided by the western media and policymakers as an irrelevant “relic of the Cold War.” U.S. policymakers have explicitly stated that they would like to see India out of NAM altogether and even abandon the concept of non-alignment in its foreign policy thinking. Alternatively, they would like India to join their alliance of democracies against non-democracies, which in their opinion is the defining agenda in the present global scenario. Another idea is “multi-alignment” — participation in diverse international groupings of nations like G 20, G 77, IBSA, RIC, Brics, Basic, among others, for promoting different interests.
The reasons are not far to seek. Even from its pre-origins in the Bandung Conference of former colonial nations in 1955, NAM has meant much more than not being aligned with the two Cold War blocs. It was also conceived as the voice of the former colonies and poor nations in a world overwhelmingly dominated by the rich western nations. The G 77 which takes up the cause of the developing countries in international fora on economic and development issues was complementary to NAM. Solidarity within NAM provides strength to its member nations. Hence, NAM has that flavour of anti-imperialism associated with its origin and history which the rich and powerful nations would like to see forgotten.
In such a context what should NAM’s role be in Indian foreign policy?
The Prime Minister in his address reaffirmed the continuing relevance of NAM. And he emphasised that NAM was important “to preserve our strategic space.” A recent policy perspective document developed by the a panel of “independent thinkers,” some closely linked to the Indian Government, titled Non-Alignment 2.0: A Foreign and Strategic Policy for India in the Twenty First Century, argues that the objective of non-alignment is to preserve and enhance the nation’s “strategic autonomy.”
Interestingly, the phrases “Non-Aligned Movement” and “G 77” do not find any place in it. Non-alignment has been redefined in exclusively Indian national terms to enhance its independence or sovereignty and provide room for manoeuvre amidst diverse pressures to promote its ambitions and interests.
What has been decisively abandoned is India’s solidarity with the developing countries and the aim of mobilising them on the basis of common interests and agenda. This perspective has become more influential in Indian policy circles especially after the collapse of the Soviet bloc and the initiation domestically of radical economic private sector oriented reforms at the start of the 1990s. However, the founding fathers of NAM saw the two objectives — national independence and the solidarity of developing countries — as profoundly interdependent for the former colonies which were embarking on the path of development in a deeply unequal world.
Can they be separated in an age when there is no communist bloc to provide a countervailing force to the almost complete dominance of the rich and powerful nations?
In recent decades, the Indian government seems to have more faith in the U.N. as a forum to protect its independence and interests. But after the collapse of the Soviet Union and its communist allies, that institution has almost completely been dominated by the powerful nations. The U.S., long hostile to many of its associated organisations, has been openly sceptical if not downright contemptuous of it, even though its West European allies are keener to work within its framework. Whether in the context of lack of solidarity among the developing nations, the U.N. will be able to provide a check on those powerful nations is doubtful.
Change in perspective
This change over the last quarter century in the Indian perspective on NAM has to be seen in the context of its revised foreign policy agenda being almost exclusively focused on transforming the nation into a great power. The way towards this objective, it is felt, is to start thinking big, join the rich man’s club and enter into friendly relations with the rich and powerful nations for economic, hi-tech and military benefits and a place at the high table where the great powers decide the fate of humankind. Hence, one of its chief priorities is to become a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council. Another, to be allowed hegemony in the South Asian region. To advance this agenda, friendship with the most technologically and economically advanced and militarily powerful nation, the United States, is seen as the most promising path.
But India wants to also maintain its “strategic autonomy,” “to preserve our strategic space.” Hence, the continuing ambivalence and shifting stands. India voted against Tehran earlier but has since resisted additional sanctions by the U.S.-led western nations. Also, it tried to resist attempts to restrict its oil purchases from Iran, before ultimately succumbing to U.S. pressure. It has also actively tried to increase its bilateral trade and economic ties and maintain more friendly political relations with Iran.
Even if building better relations with the rich and powerful nations has benefited India in recent decades, abandoning the solidarity with other developing nations within NAM may well end up adversely affecting the nation’s economic, political and strategic interests.
Source:The HINDU
Friday, September 21, 2012
HIGGS BOSON PARTICLE
What is the Higgs Boson?
In a quantum leap in physics, scientists have claimed to have spotted a sub-atomic particle ‘’consistent’’ with the Higgs boson or ‘God particle’, believed to be a crucial building block that led to the formation of the universe. On a major milestone I the 50year search for the elusive Higgs, that is believed to have been responsible for leading mass to the particles that eventually formed the stars and the planets after the Big Bang 13.7 billion year ago . The discovery of a particle consistent with the Higgs boson opens the way to more detailed studies, requiring larger statistics, which will pin down the new particle’s properties, and is likely to shed light on other mysteries of the Universe.
Joe In candela , the leader of CMS, one of the two teams at the world’s biggest atom smasher , told a packed audience of scientists at the European Centre for Nuclear Research (CERN ) that the data has reached the level of certainty needed for a “ discovery “. But he did not yet confirm that the new particle is indeed the tiny and elusive Higgs boson, which is believed to give all matter in the universe size and shape. A second team of physicists Atlas also claimed they have observed a new particle, probably the elusive Higgs boson but a little more time is needed to prepare these results for publication.
Why is it called ‘God particle’?
The Standard Model is a hugely successful theory but has several gaps, the biggest of which is why some particles have mass but others do not.
Mooted by Higgs and several others, the boson is believed to exists in a treacly, invisible, ubiquitous field created by the Big Bang some 13.7 billion years ago. CERN uses a giant laboratory where protons are smashed together at nearly the speed of light, yielding sub- atomic debris that is then scrutinized for signs of the fleeting Higgs. The Higgs has been dubbed the “ God particle “ because it is powerful and everywhere ,yet so hard to find .Over the years , tens of thousands of physicists and billions of dollars have been thrown into the research , gradually narrowing down the mass range where it might exist.
How was it found?
A ‘Higgs boson – like particle ‘ has been discovered at the $10bn Large Hadron Collider , 300 ft underground near Geneva. LHC is designed to accelerate protons to very speeds and then smash them together to create tiny fireballs, recreating conditions that prevailed when the universe was less than a trillionth of second old.
Why is the finding important?
The discovery would confirm the standard Model of physics. Other particles predicted by this theory have already been detected .With the missing Higgs boson now believed to be discovered , scientists can look at other riddles of the cosmos-like the mysterious dark matter and energy, antimatter super symmetry etc with more surety.
What have been the life-altering experiments at CERN?
Medical Imaging
Particle physics experiments at CERN and other labs have paved the way for new medical imaging technologies such as Positron Emission Tomography (PET) which has stemmed from general studies of antimatter and the use of particle detectors. Several new imaging techniques are at various stages f commercialization.
Parallel Computing
The million of collisions that take place inside an atom smasher generate tons of data, which requires a great deal of computing power. Parallel processing and grid computing technologies were developed to analyze this data, and later became commercially available.
World Wide Web
The most famous contribution of CERN is the World Wide Web , which was first proposed by Time Berners – lee in 1989. In 1991, it was made available to the community of high –energy physicists via the CERN library and subsequently was freely accessible on the Internet. The idea was to combine PC technologies, information network and the hypertext into one global information system.
Cancer Therapy
In the most recent developments in cancer therapy, accelerators using particles called hadrons have been adopted to improve results of conventional radiotherapy. The advantage of using hadrons is that they deposit all their energy in the same spot, which helps in targeting tumours without harming healthy tissues. Proton therapy is another new form of cancer treatment to selectively target and destroy tumors cells.
Solar Energy
Using ultra-high vacuum technology, CERN has developed and extensively tested a new type of flat panel solar collector. It is suited both for heating and for cooling, and can be used for water desalination, drying crops, and so on. These panels can actually produce electricity with efficiencies similar to those of photovoltaic cells
Source: Yojana
In a quantum leap in physics, scientists have claimed to have spotted a sub-atomic particle ‘’consistent’’ with the Higgs boson or ‘God particle’, believed to be a crucial building block that led to the formation of the universe. On a major milestone I the 50year search for the elusive Higgs, that is believed to have been responsible for leading mass to the particles that eventually formed the stars and the planets after the Big Bang 13.7 billion year ago . The discovery of a particle consistent with the Higgs boson opens the way to more detailed studies, requiring larger statistics, which will pin down the new particle’s properties, and is likely to shed light on other mysteries of the Universe.
Joe In candela , the leader of CMS, one of the two teams at the world’s biggest atom smasher , told a packed audience of scientists at the European Centre for Nuclear Research (CERN ) that the data has reached the level of certainty needed for a “ discovery “. But he did not yet confirm that the new particle is indeed the tiny and elusive Higgs boson, which is believed to give all matter in the universe size and shape. A second team of physicists Atlas also claimed they have observed a new particle, probably the elusive Higgs boson but a little more time is needed to prepare these results for publication.
Why is it called ‘God particle’?
The Standard Model is a hugely successful theory but has several gaps, the biggest of which is why some particles have mass but others do not.
Mooted by Higgs and several others, the boson is believed to exists in a treacly, invisible, ubiquitous field created by the Big Bang some 13.7 billion years ago. CERN uses a giant laboratory where protons are smashed together at nearly the speed of light, yielding sub- atomic debris that is then scrutinized for signs of the fleeting Higgs. The Higgs has been dubbed the “ God particle “ because it is powerful and everywhere ,yet so hard to find .Over the years , tens of thousands of physicists and billions of dollars have been thrown into the research , gradually narrowing down the mass range where it might exist.
How was it found?
A ‘Higgs boson – like particle ‘ has been discovered at the $10bn Large Hadron Collider , 300 ft underground near Geneva. LHC is designed to accelerate protons to very speeds and then smash them together to create tiny fireballs, recreating conditions that prevailed when the universe was less than a trillionth of second old.
Why is the finding important?
The discovery would confirm the standard Model of physics. Other particles predicted by this theory have already been detected .With the missing Higgs boson now believed to be discovered , scientists can look at other riddles of the cosmos-like the mysterious dark matter and energy, antimatter super symmetry etc with more surety.
What have been the life-altering experiments at CERN?
Medical Imaging
Particle physics experiments at CERN and other labs have paved the way for new medical imaging technologies such as Positron Emission Tomography (PET) which has stemmed from general studies of antimatter and the use of particle detectors. Several new imaging techniques are at various stages f commercialization.
Parallel Computing
The million of collisions that take place inside an atom smasher generate tons of data, which requires a great deal of computing power. Parallel processing and grid computing technologies were developed to analyze this data, and later became commercially available.
World Wide Web
The most famous contribution of CERN is the World Wide Web , which was first proposed by Time Berners – lee in 1989. In 1991, it was made available to the community of high –energy physicists via the CERN library and subsequently was freely accessible on the Internet. The idea was to combine PC technologies, information network and the hypertext into one global information system.
Cancer Therapy
In the most recent developments in cancer therapy, accelerators using particles called hadrons have been adopted to improve results of conventional radiotherapy. The advantage of using hadrons is that they deposit all their energy in the same spot, which helps in targeting tumours without harming healthy tissues. Proton therapy is another new form of cancer treatment to selectively target and destroy tumors cells.
Solar Energy
Using ultra-high vacuum technology, CERN has developed and extensively tested a new type of flat panel solar collector. It is suited both for heating and for cooling, and can be used for water desalination, drying crops, and so on. These panels can actually produce electricity with efficiencies similar to those of photovoltaic cells
Source: Yojana
Household Financial Savings in India
Given the strong anecdotal evidence of households shifting their investments away from financial savings instruments, corroboration from official agencies was perhaps not needed.
Household Financial Savings:
Even so, the Reserve Bank of India’s finding that household financial savings fell to 7.8 per cent of the GDP in 2011-12 is a major cause for concern. It is the lowest in 11 years and way below the average of 11 per cent in the three preceding years. Since government savings today are in negative territory and corporate retained earnings are under stress, the fall in household financial savings will have an adverse impact on the government’s efforts at stepping up investment.
Causes Behind the fall in household financial savings:
A number of factors are at play here. Many more individuals are investing in gold and physical assets such as real estate. Gold has always been in demand for making jewellery but its recent track record as an investment asset that delivers high returns that few forms of financial savings can match explains the phenomenal increase in its demand. Gold is more easily available to the ordinary man than ever before.
A large number of banks sell gold. While banks have always lent against gold, a few non-banking finance companies, many from Kerala, have cashed in on the demand and exponentially increased their lending. The RBI, concerned with such rapid growth, has clamped down in a few cases. The other big macroeconomic worry arises from the fact that very large gold imports widen the trade imbalance and the current account deficit.
Policy measures to increase, if not at least retain, financial savings should involve a two pronged approach
1. The lure of gold cannot be countered by clamping down on imports: the trade will simply shift underground. Instead, innovative ways of integrating the bullion and the financial markets must be encouraged. Already, besides gold loans, exchange traded funds in gold have gained acceptance. Commercial banks should be given the wherewithal to offer gold backed deposit schemes of the type offered in important financial centres like Singapore.
2. The other part of the strategy is to make the existing financial savings avenues more attractive to investors. Recently, the SEBI has tried to provide additional incentives to mutual funds and their distributors. The government has sought to popularise the equity cult among small investors with mixed results. Bank deposits continue to account for over 50 per cent of financial savings. But this is hardly an unequivocal endorsement of the most traditional form of savings. An average bank depositor has many valid reasons to complain. Limited tax concessions and the hassles in obtaining tax deduction certificates are just a few.
Source: The HINDU
Household Financial Savings:
Even so, the Reserve Bank of India’s finding that household financial savings fell to 7.8 per cent of the GDP in 2011-12 is a major cause for concern. It is the lowest in 11 years and way below the average of 11 per cent in the three preceding years. Since government savings today are in negative territory and corporate retained earnings are under stress, the fall in household financial savings will have an adverse impact on the government’s efforts at stepping up investment.
Causes Behind the fall in household financial savings:
A number of factors are at play here. Many more individuals are investing in gold and physical assets such as real estate. Gold has always been in demand for making jewellery but its recent track record as an investment asset that delivers high returns that few forms of financial savings can match explains the phenomenal increase in its demand. Gold is more easily available to the ordinary man than ever before.
A large number of banks sell gold. While banks have always lent against gold, a few non-banking finance companies, many from Kerala, have cashed in on the demand and exponentially increased their lending. The RBI, concerned with such rapid growth, has clamped down in a few cases. The other big macroeconomic worry arises from the fact that very large gold imports widen the trade imbalance and the current account deficit.
Policy measures to increase, if not at least retain, financial savings should involve a two pronged approach
1. The lure of gold cannot be countered by clamping down on imports: the trade will simply shift underground. Instead, innovative ways of integrating the bullion and the financial markets must be encouraged. Already, besides gold loans, exchange traded funds in gold have gained acceptance. Commercial banks should be given the wherewithal to offer gold backed deposit schemes of the type offered in important financial centres like Singapore.
2. The other part of the strategy is to make the existing financial savings avenues more attractive to investors. Recently, the SEBI has tried to provide additional incentives to mutual funds and their distributors. The government has sought to popularise the equity cult among small investors with mixed results. Bank deposits continue to account for over 50 per cent of financial savings. But this is hardly an unequivocal endorsement of the most traditional form of savings. An average bank depositor has many valid reasons to complain. Limited tax concessions and the hassles in obtaining tax deduction certificates are just a few.
Source: The HINDU
Monday, September 17, 2012
NUTRITION POLICY AND STRATEGY STATUS OF MALNUTRITION IN INDIA
It is critical to detect and prevent under-nutrition, as early as possible, across the life cycle, to avert irreversible cumulative growth and development deficits that compromise maternal and child health and survival, achievement of optimal learning outcomes in primary education and gender equality. The national plan of action on nutrition will be centered on the following critical facts related to malnutrition
[1] Every fifth child in the world lives in India
[2] 22% babies are born with low birth weight
[3] 42.5% of children 0-5 years are underweight
[4] 53 out of 1000 live births do not complete their first year of life
[5] 79% children (6-35 months) are anemic
[6] Declining female / male ratio in children under -6 yrs – from 945 to 927/1000
[7] 35.6 % women with low BMI.
Nutrition challenges: Some facts
Some nutrition challenges include:
[1] Maternal and child under – nutrition is the underlying cause of more than one third of the mortality of children under five years.
[2] One fifth of maternal mortality can be averted by addressing maternal stunting and iron deficiency anemia.
[3] One fifth of neonatal mortality be prevented by ensuring the universal practice of early initiation of exclusive breastfeeding (around 22% neonatal mortality can be averted by this).
[4] One fifth of child mortality (Under 5 years ) in India can be prevented by ensuring universal exclusive breastfeeding for the first six months and appropriate complementary feeding practices after 6 months (along with continued breastfeeding till 2 years and beyond).
[5]Over one in the short term, by available nutrition interventions, implemented at scale.
The Policy Frame work and Key Interventions:
Priorities, process indicator and need for convergent action:
The Eleventh Five year plan positions the development of children at its cent re and recognizes nutrition as critical for ensuring child survival and development. It accords high priority to addressing maternal and child undernutrition through multi and child undernutrition through multi sector interventions by different sectors.
The nutrition status f the population is the outcome of complex and inter-related set of factors and cannot be improved by the efforts of single sector or action alone. The national Plan of action on Nutrition 1995 lays down a systematic framework for collaboration among national government agencies, state government, NGOs , the private sector and the iinternational community. It is a multi-sectrol framework for implementation of the national nutrition goals too be reached by 2000 AD. The multi-sectrol plan states the objectives and tasks of 14 different sector namely, Agriculture, Food ,Civil supplies & public Distribution, Education, Forestry, Maternal & child Health, Food Processing Industries, Health, Information & Broadcasting, Labour , Rural Developmwnt, Urban Development, Welfare, Women & child Development
[1]. National Nutrition Policy (NNP):
The National Nutrition Policy (NNP) 1993 identified key areas of action in various areas like agriculture, food production, food supply, education, information, health care, social justice, tribal welfare, urban development, rural development, labour, women and child development, people with special needs and monitoring and surveillance. The core strategy envisaged under NNP is to tackle the problem of nutrition through direct nutrition interventions for vulnerable groups as well as through various development policy instruments which will improve access and create conditions for improved nutrition. The National plan of Action on Nutrition (NPAN) 1995 laid down the frame work for systematic collaboration among national government ministries / departments, State Government, NGOs, the private sector and the international community. Specific implementation arrangement suggested by NPAN included National Nutrition Council headed by the prime ministers, special working groups in concerned ministries/ departments, committees, Nutrition council etc. at the state and district levels by the State Governments, among others. The interventions to address nutrition challenges in India mainly stem from the National nutrition policy and the National plan of Action o Nutrition and policies of related sector such as health, food and agriculture.
The Government of India has over the past few years, expanded the coverage under a number of programmes, which have the potential to improve the current nutrition security situation of the country . These programmes include the National Rural Heath Mission (NRHM), Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) Scheme, Mid Day Meal Scheme , National Food Security Mission Horticulture Mission, Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS), Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission and the National Rural Drinking Water Programme. The table below discusses the existing government schemes/ interventions listed by life cycle focus area.
Schemes like, National Rural Health Mission (2005-06), National Horticulture Mission(2005-06), Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (2005-2006), Janani Suraksha Yojana (2006-07) , Total sanitation Campaign , Mid Day Meal (2008-09), Integrated child Development services (ICDS) scheme (2008-09) and National Rural Livelihood Mission (2010-11) have been expanded / universalized in the recent past, and hence better result could be awaited in the years to come . All these schemes address one or the other aspect of nutrition.
While the ICDS scheme continues to cater to the supplementary nutritional needs of children below six years and pregnant and lactating mothers, and the Mid-day Meal scheme take care of the school going children (6-14 years ) ,
the recently introduced
Rajiv Gandhi Scheme for Empowerment of Adolescent Girls (RGSEAG), namely , SABLA would provide a package of services including health and nutrition to adolescent girls in the age group of 11-14 years for out of school girls and 15-18 years for all girls for nutrition in 200 districts as a pilot. Additionally, a new scheme, the Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojana (IGMSY)- The CMB Scheme would provide a better enabling environment for improved health and nutrition to pregnant and lactating mothers and support for providing early & exclusive breastfeeding for the first six months of life on pilot basis in 52 districts initially. In order to address the India’s nutrition challenges every State Government and UT Administration has a crucial role to play. The National Nutrition Policy 1993 and the National plan of Action on nutrition 1995 specify clear institutional structure from national to grassroots level. Although some States / UTs have taken a few initiatives in this regard, the implementation of provisions and structure laid down in the National Policy and plan of Action have largely not been put in place or made effective. Most of these programmes are being implemented by the State Government / UT Administrations.
[2] Rajiv Gandhi Scheme for Empowerment of Adolescent Girls (SABLA):
The Rajiv Gandhi Scheme for empowerment of Adolescent Girls (SABLA) was launched in November 2010.The objective of the scheme are to address nutritional problems and improving the health status of adolescent girls in the age group of 11-18 years, equipping them with knowledge on family welfare, health and hygiene providing information and guidance on existing public services and mainstream out of school girls into formal or non-formal education . The major activities that would take place in the next five years from 2011 till 2016 would mainly be implementation in 200 districts to begin with, followed by evaluation and further expansion across the country . The deliverables envisaged for the Scheme, in line with major activities to be performed between 2011 till 2016, are to ensure that nutrition and non-nutrition components of Scheme are delivered to adolescent girls, utilization of fund takes place as per norms and evaluation of pilot is conducted
[3] Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojana (IGMSY)
Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojana (IGMSY) has been approved the health and nutrition status of pregnant, lactating women and infants by the promotion of appropriate practices, care and services utilization during pregnancy, safe delivery and lactation; encouragement of women to follow (optimal) Infant and young Child Feeding (IYCF) practices including early and exclusive breast feeding for the first six months; and by contributing to better enabling environment by providing cash incentives for improved health and nutrition to pregnant and lactating mothers.
[3] National commission for protection of Child Rights (NCPCR):
The National Commission for Protection of child Right (NCPCR) was set up in March 2007 under the commission for Protection of Child Rights Act, 2005. The Commission’s mandate is to ensure better protection of the rights of the Child through the monitoring of constitutional and legal rights of children, review of safeguards, review of existing laws, looking into violations of the constitutional and legal rights of children, and monitoring programmes relating to the survival, protection, participation and development of children. The Commission also has to ensure that all National laws, policies, programmes, and administrative mechanisms are informed by a “right-based” emphasis and are in consonance with the child-rights perspective as enshrined in the Constitution of India and the UN Convention on the Rights of the child.
[4] National Institute of Public Cooperation and child Development (NIPCCD):
National Institute of public cooperation and child Development (NIPCCD) is an autonomous organization under the Ministry of women and child Development. The objectives of the Institute are to develop and documentation in the overall domain of women and child development. NIPCCD takes a comprehensive view of child development and promotes programmes in pursuance of National Policy for Children and evolves a framework and perspective for Organizing children’s programmes through governmental and voluntary efforts.
The current thrust areas of the institute relating to child development are maternal and child health, nutrition, early childhood education, positive mental health in children and child care support services. The institute conducts research and evaluation studies; organizes training programmes, seminars,, workshops and conferences; and provides documentation and information services in priority areas in public cooperation and child development .The Institute functions as an apex body for training of functionaries of the Integrated Child Development services (ICDS) programme. The Institute entrusted with the responsibility of training and capacity building of functionaries at the national and regional level, under the Integrated Child Protection Scheme (ICPS).
Source: KURUKSHETRA
[1] Every fifth child in the world lives in India
[2] 22% babies are born with low birth weight
[3] 42.5% of children 0-5 years are underweight
[4] 53 out of 1000 live births do not complete their first year of life
[5] 79% children (6-35 months) are anemic
[6] Declining female / male ratio in children under -6 yrs – from 945 to 927/1000
[7] 35.6 % women with low BMI.
Nutrition challenges: Some facts
Some nutrition challenges include:
[1] Maternal and child under – nutrition is the underlying cause of more than one third of the mortality of children under five years.
[2] One fifth of maternal mortality can be averted by addressing maternal stunting and iron deficiency anemia.
[3] One fifth of neonatal mortality be prevented by ensuring the universal practice of early initiation of exclusive breastfeeding (around 22% neonatal mortality can be averted by this).
[4] One fifth of child mortality (Under 5 years ) in India can be prevented by ensuring universal exclusive breastfeeding for the first six months and appropriate complementary feeding practices after 6 months (along with continued breastfeeding till 2 years and beyond).
[5]Over one in the short term, by available nutrition interventions, implemented at scale.
The Policy Frame work and Key Interventions:
Priorities, process indicator and need for convergent action:
The Eleventh Five year plan positions the development of children at its cent re and recognizes nutrition as critical for ensuring child survival and development. It accords high priority to addressing maternal and child undernutrition through multi and child undernutrition through multi sector interventions by different sectors.
The nutrition status f the population is the outcome of complex and inter-related set of factors and cannot be improved by the efforts of single sector or action alone. The national Plan of action on Nutrition 1995 lays down a systematic framework for collaboration among national government agencies, state government, NGOs , the private sector and the iinternational community. It is a multi-sectrol framework for implementation of the national nutrition goals too be reached by 2000 AD. The multi-sectrol plan states the objectives and tasks of 14 different sector namely, Agriculture, Food ,Civil supplies & public Distribution, Education, Forestry, Maternal & child Health, Food Processing Industries, Health, Information & Broadcasting, Labour , Rural Developmwnt, Urban Development, Welfare, Women & child Development
[1]. National Nutrition Policy (NNP):
The National Nutrition Policy (NNP) 1993 identified key areas of action in various areas like agriculture, food production, food supply, education, information, health care, social justice, tribal welfare, urban development, rural development, labour, women and child development, people with special needs and monitoring and surveillance. The core strategy envisaged under NNP is to tackle the problem of nutrition through direct nutrition interventions for vulnerable groups as well as through various development policy instruments which will improve access and create conditions for improved nutrition. The National plan of Action on Nutrition (NPAN) 1995 laid down the frame work for systematic collaboration among national government ministries / departments, State Government, NGOs, the private sector and the international community. Specific implementation arrangement suggested by NPAN included National Nutrition Council headed by the prime ministers, special working groups in concerned ministries/ departments, committees, Nutrition council etc. at the state and district levels by the State Governments, among others. The interventions to address nutrition challenges in India mainly stem from the National nutrition policy and the National plan of Action o Nutrition and policies of related sector such as health, food and agriculture.
The Government of India has over the past few years, expanded the coverage under a number of programmes, which have the potential to improve the current nutrition security situation of the country . These programmes include the National Rural Heath Mission (NRHM), Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) Scheme, Mid Day Meal Scheme , National Food Security Mission Horticulture Mission, Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS), Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission and the National Rural Drinking Water Programme. The table below discusses the existing government schemes/ interventions listed by life cycle focus area.
Schemes like, National Rural Health Mission (2005-06), National Horticulture Mission(2005-06), Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (2005-2006), Janani Suraksha Yojana (2006-07) , Total sanitation Campaign , Mid Day Meal (2008-09), Integrated child Development services (ICDS) scheme (2008-09) and National Rural Livelihood Mission (2010-11) have been expanded / universalized in the recent past, and hence better result could be awaited in the years to come . All these schemes address one or the other aspect of nutrition.
While the ICDS scheme continues to cater to the supplementary nutritional needs of children below six years and pregnant and lactating mothers, and the Mid-day Meal scheme take care of the school going children (6-14 years ) ,
the recently introduced
Rajiv Gandhi Scheme for Empowerment of Adolescent Girls (RGSEAG), namely , SABLA would provide a package of services including health and nutrition to adolescent girls in the age group of 11-14 years for out of school girls and 15-18 years for all girls for nutrition in 200 districts as a pilot. Additionally, a new scheme, the Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojana (IGMSY)- The CMB Scheme would provide a better enabling environment for improved health and nutrition to pregnant and lactating mothers and support for providing early & exclusive breastfeeding for the first six months of life on pilot basis in 52 districts initially. In order to address the India’s nutrition challenges every State Government and UT Administration has a crucial role to play. The National Nutrition Policy 1993 and the National plan of Action on nutrition 1995 specify clear institutional structure from national to grassroots level. Although some States / UTs have taken a few initiatives in this regard, the implementation of provisions and structure laid down in the National Policy and plan of Action have largely not been put in place or made effective. Most of these programmes are being implemented by the State Government / UT Administrations.
[2] Rajiv Gandhi Scheme for Empowerment of Adolescent Girls (SABLA):
The Rajiv Gandhi Scheme for empowerment of Adolescent Girls (SABLA) was launched in November 2010.The objective of the scheme are to address nutritional problems and improving the health status of adolescent girls in the age group of 11-18 years, equipping them with knowledge on family welfare, health and hygiene providing information and guidance on existing public services and mainstream out of school girls into formal or non-formal education . The major activities that would take place in the next five years from 2011 till 2016 would mainly be implementation in 200 districts to begin with, followed by evaluation and further expansion across the country . The deliverables envisaged for the Scheme, in line with major activities to be performed between 2011 till 2016, are to ensure that nutrition and non-nutrition components of Scheme are delivered to adolescent girls, utilization of fund takes place as per norms and evaluation of pilot is conducted
[3] Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojana (IGMSY)
Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojana (IGMSY) has been approved the health and nutrition status of pregnant, lactating women and infants by the promotion of appropriate practices, care and services utilization during pregnancy, safe delivery and lactation; encouragement of women to follow (optimal) Infant and young Child Feeding (IYCF) practices including early and exclusive breast feeding for the first six months; and by contributing to better enabling environment by providing cash incentives for improved health and nutrition to pregnant and lactating mothers.
[3] National commission for protection of Child Rights (NCPCR):
The National Commission for Protection of child Right (NCPCR) was set up in March 2007 under the commission for Protection of Child Rights Act, 2005. The Commission’s mandate is to ensure better protection of the rights of the Child through the monitoring of constitutional and legal rights of children, review of safeguards, review of existing laws, looking into violations of the constitutional and legal rights of children, and monitoring programmes relating to the survival, protection, participation and development of children. The Commission also has to ensure that all National laws, policies, programmes, and administrative mechanisms are informed by a “right-based” emphasis and are in consonance with the child-rights perspective as enshrined in the Constitution of India and the UN Convention on the Rights of the child.
[4] National Institute of Public Cooperation and child Development (NIPCCD):
National Institute of public cooperation and child Development (NIPCCD) is an autonomous organization under the Ministry of women and child Development. The objectives of the Institute are to develop and documentation in the overall domain of women and child development. NIPCCD takes a comprehensive view of child development and promotes programmes in pursuance of National Policy for Children and evolves a framework and perspective for Organizing children’s programmes through governmental and voluntary efforts.
The current thrust areas of the institute relating to child development are maternal and child health, nutrition, early childhood education, positive mental health in children and child care support services. The institute conducts research and evaluation studies; organizes training programmes, seminars,, workshops and conferences; and provides documentation and information services in priority areas in public cooperation and child development .The Institute functions as an apex body for training of functionaries of the Integrated Child Development services (ICDS) programme. The Institute entrusted with the responsibility of training and capacity building of functionaries at the national and regional level, under the Integrated Child Protection Scheme (ICPS).
Source: KURUKSHETRA
Saturday, September 15, 2012
Critical Analysis of FDI in Multi Brand Retail
Arguments supporting the FDI in Multi Brand Retail
Modernisation of retail is a critical and necessary condition for sustaining high growth impulses in the economy. The entry of FDI with its modern inventory management practices, supply chain management, new storage and vending technologies and advanced organisational skills will go a long way in the modernisation of this sector. With greater investment and new technologies, the sector can act as a growth driver rather than a drag with its outdated practices and inability to take advantage of either economy of scale or of scope.
Bust the myth
It is important to bust the myth that the entry of FDI will sound a death knell for the ‘self-organised’ or small-format retail trade. Currently, the share of modern retail is a mere five per cent in the total retail trade sector. From all estimates, this is expected to, at best; quadruple over the next 20 years. That would still leave a healthy 80 per cent of total retail trade — the volume is expected to rise from current $500 billion to $900 billion — to the self-organised sector. Thus 20 years later, ‘mom & pop’ stores will still have a business turnover of more than $650 billion as compared to the current $450 billion. By no stretch of imagination is there going to be an annihilation of the self-organised retail trade sector.
Generating Skilled Job:
As many studies citing empirical evidence and survey-based results have shown, a modernised retail sector will offer significant benefits for farmers, small producers and, of course the consumers. But the most important contribution will be in the generation of a large number of ‘semi-skilled’ or skilled jobs for India’s young population. These jobs are not being generated by the self-organised sector, whose labour practices are not of the highest standards. Estimates show that given the high labour intensity of modern large format retail, millions of youth will be trained and new jobs will be created. All those who oppose FDI in retail must pause to think and suggest alternatives in a situation that demands the creation of 10 million new jobs in our economy simply to absorb new entrants to the work force.
For the farmer:
Greater shelf life for farm products:
Farmers will benefit in more than one way. The investment in backend infrastructure by modern retailers would reduce wastage and allow greater shelf life for farm products This much needed investment will connect the farm-gate to retail stores, an investment and process that cannot be undertaken by small retailers. This will also minimise the layers of intermediaries as a result of which farmer get much lower prices than they could if they supplied directly to retail stores. Moreover, modern retailers will also provide farmers with new high yield varieties of seeds and better technologies that will help bring down the cost and more yields. Therefore, the entry of FDI in multi-brand retail is likely to have a significant positive impact on the modernisation of the agricultural sector.
Impetus for the growth of MSMEs:
In their attempt to position themselves better vis-à-vis established FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) brands, modern retailers encourage their own brands for which they depend upon small-scale suppliers. Thus, we can expect a strong impetus for the growth of MSMEs (medium and small enterprises) that will be mobilised by large retailers to produce their own ‘house brand’ across the entire range of FMCG and other consumer products.The fear that these retailers will inundate our economy with cheap imports is somewhat misplaced because it will be more profitable, and thus in their interest, to procure locally rather than pay high transport cost and custom duty in importing supplies. Let us hope that the States, which have now been given the option for attracting FDI in the retail sector, will adopt this measure quickly and in large numbers so as to usher in a new era of modern retail in the country
Arguments against the FDI in Retail Multi Brand Retail
Agriculture:
It has projected FDI in retail as a boon for agriculture. Unfortunately, this is not true. Even in the U.S., big retail has not helped farmers — it is federal support that makes agriculture profitable. In its last Farm Bill in 2008, the U.S. made a provision of $307 billion for agriculture for the next five years. .Where is the justification for such massive support if big retail was providing farmers better prices? And let us not forget, despite these subsidies studies have shown that one farmer in Europe quits agriculture every minute.
The second argument is that big retail will squeeze out middleman and therefore provide a better price to farmers. This is again not borne by facts. In the U.S., some studies have shown that the net income of farmers has come down from 70 per cent in the early 20th century to less than four per cent in 2005.
This is because big retail actually brings in a new battery of middlemen — quality controller, standardiser, certification agency, processor, packaging consultants etc. It is these middlemen who walk away with the profits and the farmer is left to survive on the subsidy dole. Monopolistic power enables these companies to go in for predatory pricing. Empirical studies have shown that consumer prices in supermarkets in Latin America, Africa and Asia have remained higher than the open market by 20 to 30 per cent.
Employment:
The Indian retail market is estimated to be around $400 billion with more than 12 million retailers employing 40 million people. Ironically, Wal-Mart’s turnover is also around $420 billion, but it employs only 2.1 million people. If Wal-Mart can achieve the same turnover with hardly a fraction of the workforce employed by the Indian retail sector, how do we expect big retail to create jobs? It is the Indian retail sector which is a much bigger employer, and big retail will only destroy millions of livelihoods.
State government’s prerogative:
Very cleverly, the Central government has allowed the State governments the final say in allowing FDI in retail. This may to some extent pacify those State governments opposed to big retail. However, the industry is upbeat and knows well that as per international trade norms, member countries have to provide national treatment. Being a signatory to Bilateral Investment promotion and Protection Agreements (BIPAs), India has to provide national treatment to the investors. Agreements with more than 70 countries have already been signed. State governments will, therefore, have to open up for big retail. Industries will use the legal option to force the States to comply.
And more importantly, let us look at how the virus of big retail spreads, even if the promise is to keep it confined to major cities. Recently, a New York Times expose showed how Wal-Mart had captured nearly 50 per cent of Mexico’s retail market in 10 years. What is important here is that as per the NYT disclosure “the Mexican subsidiary of Wal-Mart, which opened 431 stores in 2011, had paid bribes and an internal enquiry into the matter has been suppressed at corporate headquarters in Arkansas”.
Source : The HINDU
Modernisation of retail is a critical and necessary condition for sustaining high growth impulses in the economy. The entry of FDI with its modern inventory management practices, supply chain management, new storage and vending technologies and advanced organisational skills will go a long way in the modernisation of this sector. With greater investment and new technologies, the sector can act as a growth driver rather than a drag with its outdated practices and inability to take advantage of either economy of scale or of scope.
Bust the myth
It is important to bust the myth that the entry of FDI will sound a death knell for the ‘self-organised’ or small-format retail trade. Currently, the share of modern retail is a mere five per cent in the total retail trade sector. From all estimates, this is expected to, at best; quadruple over the next 20 years. That would still leave a healthy 80 per cent of total retail trade — the volume is expected to rise from current $500 billion to $900 billion — to the self-organised sector. Thus 20 years later, ‘mom & pop’ stores will still have a business turnover of more than $650 billion as compared to the current $450 billion. By no stretch of imagination is there going to be an annihilation of the self-organised retail trade sector.
Generating Skilled Job:
As many studies citing empirical evidence and survey-based results have shown, a modernised retail sector will offer significant benefits for farmers, small producers and, of course the consumers. But the most important contribution will be in the generation of a large number of ‘semi-skilled’ or skilled jobs for India’s young population. These jobs are not being generated by the self-organised sector, whose labour practices are not of the highest standards. Estimates show that given the high labour intensity of modern large format retail, millions of youth will be trained and new jobs will be created. All those who oppose FDI in retail must pause to think and suggest alternatives in a situation that demands the creation of 10 million new jobs in our economy simply to absorb new entrants to the work force.
For the farmer:
Greater shelf life for farm products:
Farmers will benefit in more than one way. The investment in backend infrastructure by modern retailers would reduce wastage and allow greater shelf life for farm products This much needed investment will connect the farm-gate to retail stores, an investment and process that cannot be undertaken by small retailers. This will also minimise the layers of intermediaries as a result of which farmer get much lower prices than they could if they supplied directly to retail stores. Moreover, modern retailers will also provide farmers with new high yield varieties of seeds and better technologies that will help bring down the cost and more yields. Therefore, the entry of FDI in multi-brand retail is likely to have a significant positive impact on the modernisation of the agricultural sector.
Impetus for the growth of MSMEs:
In their attempt to position themselves better vis-à-vis established FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) brands, modern retailers encourage their own brands for which they depend upon small-scale suppliers. Thus, we can expect a strong impetus for the growth of MSMEs (medium and small enterprises) that will be mobilised by large retailers to produce their own ‘house brand’ across the entire range of FMCG and other consumer products.The fear that these retailers will inundate our economy with cheap imports is somewhat misplaced because it will be more profitable, and thus in their interest, to procure locally rather than pay high transport cost and custom duty in importing supplies. Let us hope that the States, which have now been given the option for attracting FDI in the retail sector, will adopt this measure quickly and in large numbers so as to usher in a new era of modern retail in the country
Arguments against the FDI in Retail Multi Brand Retail
Agriculture:
It has projected FDI in retail as a boon for agriculture. Unfortunately, this is not true. Even in the U.S., big retail has not helped farmers — it is federal support that makes agriculture profitable. In its last Farm Bill in 2008, the U.S. made a provision of $307 billion for agriculture for the next five years. .Where is the justification for such massive support if big retail was providing farmers better prices? And let us not forget, despite these subsidies studies have shown that one farmer in Europe quits agriculture every minute.
The second argument is that big retail will squeeze out middleman and therefore provide a better price to farmers. This is again not borne by facts. In the U.S., some studies have shown that the net income of farmers has come down from 70 per cent in the early 20th century to less than four per cent in 2005.
This is because big retail actually brings in a new battery of middlemen — quality controller, standardiser, certification agency, processor, packaging consultants etc. It is these middlemen who walk away with the profits and the farmer is left to survive on the subsidy dole. Monopolistic power enables these companies to go in for predatory pricing. Empirical studies have shown that consumer prices in supermarkets in Latin America, Africa and Asia have remained higher than the open market by 20 to 30 per cent.
Employment:
The Indian retail market is estimated to be around $400 billion with more than 12 million retailers employing 40 million people. Ironically, Wal-Mart’s turnover is also around $420 billion, but it employs only 2.1 million people. If Wal-Mart can achieve the same turnover with hardly a fraction of the workforce employed by the Indian retail sector, how do we expect big retail to create jobs? It is the Indian retail sector which is a much bigger employer, and big retail will only destroy millions of livelihoods.
State government’s prerogative:
Very cleverly, the Central government has allowed the State governments the final say in allowing FDI in retail. This may to some extent pacify those State governments opposed to big retail. However, the industry is upbeat and knows well that as per international trade norms, member countries have to provide national treatment. Being a signatory to Bilateral Investment promotion and Protection Agreements (BIPAs), India has to provide national treatment to the investors. Agreements with more than 70 countries have already been signed. State governments will, therefore, have to open up for big retail. Industries will use the legal option to force the States to comply.
And more importantly, let us look at how the virus of big retail spreads, even if the promise is to keep it confined to major cities. Recently, a New York Times expose showed how Wal-Mart had captured nearly 50 per cent of Mexico’s retail market in 10 years. What is important here is that as per the NYT disclosure “the Mexican subsidiary of Wal-Mart, which opened 431 stores in 2011, had paid bribes and an internal enquiry into the matter has been suppressed at corporate headquarters in Arkansas”.
Source : The HINDU
Friday, September 14, 2012
Decent Working Conditions for Domestic Labour
The decade-long efforts to legislate decent working conditions for domestic labour globally are at last coming to fruition. The International Labour Organisation’s new global standard — Convention 189 — that seeks to regulate working conditions for millions of people employed in households and guarantee basic protection for them will enter into force next year.
REGULATION ON THE WORKING CONDITION :
This follows the latest ratification of the Convention by the Philippines and a few months earlier by Uruguay. The provisions relating to reasonable working hours and weekly rest of at least 24 consecutive hours are of particular concern in the developing world, notoriously wanting in minimum safety measures for women workers. Given the peculiar characteristics of domestic work behind closed doors, monitoring and punishing violations can prove difficult. The Convention also incorporates stipulations to make the terms and conditions of employment explicit to workers, restrict in-kind payments and respect workers’ rights, including the right to association and collective bargaining. The effectiveness of these provisions would depend on the overall prospects of trade unions in the workplace generally, aided by a conducive political climate and a proactive judiciary. Significantly, but not surprisingly, stipulations on minimum wages are missing in the Convention. Notwithstanding this omission, the objectives entailed in the new standard could potentially alter the situation on the ground quite radically. Prevalent social attitudes on domestic work, that are at best paternalistic, should make way to a greater recognition of its status as an important economic activity.
INDIAN SCENARIO
When it comes to the situation in India, any attempt to regulate domestic work and streamline standards must surely be welcomed. Sadly, the government has not yet deemed it fit to ratify this path-breaking labour convention. Ironically, making the Convention part of domestic statute could strengthen some of the government’s steps in related areas. A case in point is the Cabinet’s approval to amend the law to completely abolish child labour in the country. The amendment would contribute to realising more fully the right to compulsory basic education for children. Similarly, regulating the conditions of domestic labour — an extremely laudable social objective in itself — would enormously augment the goal of expanding basic education, considering that large numbers of children are employed as household workers. Above all, according legal recognition to domestic work will complement the governments’ efforts to combat crimes against women and children.
Source: The Hindu
REGULATION ON THE WORKING CONDITION :
This follows the latest ratification of the Convention by the Philippines and a few months earlier by Uruguay. The provisions relating to reasonable working hours and weekly rest of at least 24 consecutive hours are of particular concern in the developing world, notoriously wanting in minimum safety measures for women workers. Given the peculiar characteristics of domestic work behind closed doors, monitoring and punishing violations can prove difficult. The Convention also incorporates stipulations to make the terms and conditions of employment explicit to workers, restrict in-kind payments and respect workers’ rights, including the right to association and collective bargaining. The effectiveness of these provisions would depend on the overall prospects of trade unions in the workplace generally, aided by a conducive political climate and a proactive judiciary. Significantly, but not surprisingly, stipulations on minimum wages are missing in the Convention. Notwithstanding this omission, the objectives entailed in the new standard could potentially alter the situation on the ground quite radically. Prevalent social attitudes on domestic work, that are at best paternalistic, should make way to a greater recognition of its status as an important economic activity.
INDIAN SCENARIO
When it comes to the situation in India, any attempt to regulate domestic work and streamline standards must surely be welcomed. Sadly, the government has not yet deemed it fit to ratify this path-breaking labour convention. Ironically, making the Convention part of domestic statute could strengthen some of the government’s steps in related areas. A case in point is the Cabinet’s approval to amend the law to completely abolish child labour in the country. The amendment would contribute to realising more fully the right to compulsory basic education for children. Similarly, regulating the conditions of domestic labour — an extremely laudable social objective in itself — would enormously augment the goal of expanding basic education, considering that large numbers of children are employed as household workers. Above all, according legal recognition to domestic work will complement the governments’ efforts to combat crimes against women and children.
Source: The Hindu
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)